Case 1: Audio Almeyda-Villanueva
The main legal adviser to the president and staff attorney Alejandro Toledo and Eliane Karp featured in an audio cassette holding a general conversation with the treasurer of Montesinos, at that time a fugitive from justice and at risk of being subjected to a harsh sentence, which was certainly part of a sequence of meetings between late 2001 and early 2002. From what we hear can be established that judicial favors talks could Almeyda, contacts with people of the Fujimori government could provide Villanueva, media status, etc. Months after this conversation, General Villanueva was suicidal.
until the beginning of 2004, will get to know of the existence of audio, apparently Almeyda was recorded without knowing it, through a triangulation between the general's widow, a professional reporter and a journalist who resides outside country. What can open the case Almeyda. The informant indicated that Almeyda had received $ 100,000 from the fugitive general.
Research Hypothesis: there would have been illegal treatment of members of the Toledo government with important elements of a criminal gang of Fujimori-Montesinos, as they developed called anti-corruption processes and Almeyda the proximity of the president can not be assume that it was aware of these activities. On the other hand the only way in which the lawyer could be useful to the general was supported by the president.
can assume that targeted interests were at stake to gain access to accounts and money from the mafia, getting pressure on media owners communication problems with the law, judicial influence exchange key data on the performance of the previous regime. This should set various offenses, including interference with justice, abuse of authority deposition, conspiracy to commit a crime, extortion and others.
Effects: Almeyda former advisor is imprisoned (in a position of privilege) and is open process. Also arrested the informant who delivered the tape, and included in the process and the journalist's widow, of course crime of wanting to market the tests. Toledo was disappointed with Almeyda said.
Alibis: that the audio could be heard often poorly have been edited, so states can not serve as evidence. Almeyda's performance does not necessarily commit to Toledo. A Villanueva not managed trials. Almeyda said that he received no money.
Questions:
- can be assumed, even for a moment, that the meeting Almeyda-Villanueva could abstract the charge of one and the judicial status of the other?
- if there was no prior relationship between these two characters, how and through whom contact was established and for what purpose?
- what could converse in circumstances where the general felt he was being surrounded and suffered the stress of persecution that drove him to suicide?, "climate, food, or the latest releases of movies?
- in what sense could have acted unfairly Almeyda Toledo, connecting it to the mafia, if at the same time of the conversation was todopropósito President?, Is not it more reasonable to believe that he was there on behalf of the highest level? what could have offered your correspondent if he had no mandate to Toledo?
Case 2: Bavaria
In 2002 saw the largest financial transaction of the current period, to transfer a large block of shares in the brewery Backus & Johnson owned by Polar of Venezuela Bavaria of Colombia, amounting to about $ 800 million. This operation was conducted after a period of public controversy between the two most important sectors of shareholders, in which each accused the other of various irregularities including crimes to achieve their goals of majority control of the Peruvian company.
Eventually the matter was resolved through a process outside the law, which allowed pricing actions outside of the Lima stock exchange and exclude minority shareholders to buy or sell in the course of the operation, as the standard. CONASEV that should monitor and enforce the law suits, agreed strangely flagrant irregularities. CONASEV symptomatically rather than to rule, the government announced changes to the directory of this entity, by joining Cesar Almeyda, presidential adviser and director with special powers. Simultaneously it was giving up several top-level officials, including the general manager and manager of legal advice, which should have been informed of the pending application. Almeyda directory retired five months after the sale of shares to Bavaria. In March 2004, I get a witness, who was driver Alberto Farfan, a friend of Almeyda and Toledo, and realizes he personally heard dialogues between Farfán and related Almeyda a bribe of two million dollars that would have given Bavaria for the facilities provided for the sale of shares, of which one million would go to Toledo. Later he added evidence of an official trip to Bavaria in Panama Lima, with a large sum of money in the suitcase, it would be an advance payment of bribes. Finally Bavarian officials in exercising its defense plan, report what was not known, that in the week that was negotiated the sale of shares, the president of Bavaria Palacio met with the Head of State, in circumstances that the issue could not be another 800 million operation.
Research Hypothesis : That the government at the highest level, with knowledge and participation of the presidency and having as operator Almeyda, was involved in facilitating a transaction Polar extralegal actions to Bavaria, a large amount of money, there being a willful agreement with stakeholders and manipulation of regulatory institutions to enforce the result. Also eventually would have been an affordable payment for this intervention. The crimes that would be present in this case abuse of authority, disobeying the rules explicit, collusion, conspiracy, bribery.
Effects: Hugo Durán informant is under police protection, the defendant Farfán missing, the defendant Carbajal (who brought the money from Bavaria) refuses to return home, Bavaria has been dedicated to presenting the case as a mere maneuver dispute with its partners in "El Comercio", the Group's property Plural (Channel 4), which seek to keep their participation. The prosecutor in the case is under investigation. Alibi: that Duran has a criminal record that detract from his testimony that Bavaria has succeeded in making test dubious record flight from Panama, but did not deny that Carbajal traveled on key dates and entered the country with money, that no statements and Farfán Carbajal, who is in the powers of the president Who wants to join in the date you want, even if the matches generate suspicion.
Questions:
- with what interest the government so directly involved in an operation of many millions of dollars that should have been developed delicacy in the most transparent?
- what costs would have had to pay and what risks to take the contractors, if the transfer of shares had been made openly in the bag as the law?, What title does the government was allowed to intervene to facilitate CONASEV violation of the procedure?
- why the country had learn through Bavaria, that Toledo had been meeting with them at critical times of the business?, why not say this just moved the scandal?
Case 3: Wiese-Blue Bay-Conapa
In the first half of 2002 it was learned that Mrs. Karp, wife of President Toledo, held a contract for professional services to perform agricultural consultancy, with Banco Wiese in which had held a management for several years and is supposed to be retired to participate in election campaign activities. However produced after the election, Mrs. Karp is rehired by a figure of $ 15 000 monthly. There is no indication that it really was working on a report to the Bank, but the discovery of the case resulted in demonstrations feminist exalted female independence and the right to work.
journalistic investigations later allowed to know something extraordinary that the monies paid by the Wiese were deposited to an offshore account in Panama, called Blue Bay, whose owner was the adviser Cesar Almeyda. This account was operated by the Secretary of Karp Pacha Foundation for Change, which could make withdrawals from Lima. Moreover the direction of Blue Bay in Lima, was the same as that of the foundation. There are also suspicions that there are other accounts encrypted between Almeyda, Karp and eventually Toledo. Offshore accounts to hide income are made, probably dirty, and evading taxes. In the founding partners Pacha listed as personal advisers Eliane, whose salaries were resolved with the return of Petroperu.
In parallel, between November 2001 and July 2003, Ms. Karp, served as president of the National Commission of Andean, Amazonian and Afro-Peruvian CONAPA in a position that was defined as honor, thereby evading wanted any process of audit. However, the first lady was responsible for major decisions of the body, starting with the appointment staff, consisting of a series of very direct and close officials were Cesar Alvarez, Hilda Zamalloa, Humberto Ruíz and José Chilet with incomes between 10 and 23 thousand dollars a month. Having established the World Bank credit resources by $ 5 million granted to the CONAPA, could only be used on up to 10% to pay, what occurred was an obvious violation of procedure. However, the Bank was responsible for monitoring these resources, also related to Karp, and contracts with COMAPA by an NGO which was a part. Thus the irregularities involved.
Organizations Amazonian peoples, peasant organizations and broadcasters of black culture, said it had not received any support from the CONAPA. And that funds spent, that the country will pay back within the program of external debt payments, went to bureaucracy, administrative costs, consultants, meetings and travel. At the end of Karp, President Toledo recommended forming a different organization, including representatives of indigenous peoples' organizations.
Research Hypothesis: the Banco Wiese, on the serious responsibilities that fell in the financing and laundering of corruption of 90, and had been the subject of illegal process of "bailout" high cost to the state, which had actually saved the interests of owners and given a hand to the new Italian partners, did not remain involved and its manager was able to walk out of the country despite being which was corrupt Montesinos accounts abroad. Likewise, the ministry of economy has shielded the bailout for us to be touched. In this context, the extraordinary wage Karp, is more than suspicious. It is obvious that the Bank knew I was paying them to the presidential family and the lady knew I was getting a concealed money to Peru, where he claimed to be slaughtered and professional women to help her husband. Almeyda also Karp and internationally operating money, avoiding any transparency. Pacha Foundation for Change, and was a front and a system to launder foreign currency movement. Finally CONAPA and the World Bank loan, were managed as a farm by Mrs. Karp and people you trust. Thus refused to indigenous resources and increased debt for the benefit of particular groups. The offenses allegedly committed would be perception of irregular payments, illicit enrichment, tax evasion, concealment of income, embezzlement, etc.
Effects: Karp had to give up their contract with the Wiese and CONAPA presidency, recognizing that at least his performance was not adequate. The attorney who initiated the investigation of the facts, was dismissed by the justice ministry. The Comptroller has refused to investigate Karp arguing that it is not a public official. The Audit Commission has concluded that there was "waste, inefficiency and ineffectiveness in the implementation of the funds."
- Alibis: Karp is a successful professional, who earns lots of money on everything he does and has the right to work and not depend on the husband who betrayed Almeyda not Toledo, but is a victim of the Mafia that Mrs. Karp is not an official State and not have to answer for CONAPA money.
Case 4: Communications and Pedro Toledo
Hemispheric
In a journalistic report of July 2004, the president's younger brother, Pedro Toledo, appears as an intermediary (broker) to an unknown company called Telecommunications Hemispheric had managed to get in record time and without collateral, a telephone concession for 20 years from the ministry of transport and communications. Without any prior relationship with the business, no profession is recognized, multi-broker activities, the only asset of Peter seems to be their presidential relationship.
Telecommunications Company Hemisphere is the formal shareholders Charalla Víctor Jiménez, Ismael Pérez Ramírez, Alejandro Mendoza, Pilar Olaya Alzamora Hidalgo, who say they are employees of Peter in secondary positions.: Drivers, secretaries, janitors. A citation of the Audit Commission have refused to be present and testify. The only one who finally showed his face was Pedro Toledo, who indicated that he would receive as payment for their efforts, the amount of $ 180 000. He introduced himself as contractor of the company, although he admitted ownership of the company Representations Hemispheric located in the same direction Telecommunications Hemisphere.
The transport minister has denied being pressured by Pedro Toledo and explained the approval in record time of the grant as an administrative matter which would not have participated. Are known recordings, although some published in newspapers, "in which Toledo brothers (Peter, Margaret and others) are aimed at treating various officials loudly and clearly pressures.
Research Hypothesis: Hemispheric Telecommunications granting would not be directed to achieving an effective investment, but negotiated a special permit in the future with transnational corporations. Pedro Toledo have created a company ad hoc, using proxies, and intervened to boost the administrative process. Pedro Toledo's power lies in the weight of their names within the ministries and public institutions. There may have acted on their own or taking the name of the brother, because you hardly have been granted a permit for this buffer if you do not really know the president was back. Furthermore, these events occur in full wave of scandals, where the brothers were already clearly identified as lobbyists and cheats. What gives a sense contumacious this case denotes a coarse complicity of those who made the concession. Unless the order came from high up and could not resist. Toledo has not said a word about this case.
ccording to the Civil Code, a parent or relative of the president, in the fourth degree of consanguinity or second degree of affinity can not participate in any negotiations which are at stake interests of the state. By this principle, the intermediation of Pedro Toledo in obtaining the concession for Hemispheric Telecommunications, sets up a stark case of influence peddling. Also have crime of collusion and conspiracy to commit a crime.
Effects: The award was overturned when the minister "realized" that this was a glaring irregularity. Pedro Toledo has decided to be the only which accounts for this case. Commission would have lost $ 180 000.
Alibis: Peter is his brother, but Alejandro does not know anything. Pedro is a broker but does not use his family relationship to be successful in their efforts. Or the need for officials who receive them were convinced of their good intentions. Peter does not know telephony but paid a lot of money for a great management. Telecommunications hemispheric offers exceptional payments, but has no money for an office, so using the local company Pedro Toledo.
Questions:
- being true, in general, that the president does not have to be responsible for assaulting brother or banks that trafficked site on 90, we must also accept that the modus operandi of Toledo is that of a clan, which ran throughout the campaign since before 1995 and throughout the second half of the Fujimori decade. Currently under judicial investigation six of the nine children of Toledo, for various cases all related to their involvement in public affairs intentionally using their status as relatives of the head of state. Why Toledo did not want to make a boundary in any of these cases, or indicate that the efforts on their behalf without their support and will be punished?
- what is the balance of assets of Toledo after three years of government, given the amount of economic transactions in which they participated, the remuneration received, the advantages to acquire public goods, etc..?, why does not require an immediate investigation on this?
Case 5: Borobio, Pedro and Margarita
information that the president has used the services of the publisher of Fujimori and Montesinos, to advise it underground and face the drop in the polls, it sounded amazing when Borobio himself made it public, in the midst of a claim to Pedro Toledo to cancel the amount that was pledged for the work (90 thousand dollars), it was said that the brother claimed but not paid the advertiser. The case however was opened for investigation, the brothers denied any dealings with the Argentine exile in Chile and extradition request by Peruvian justice.
Subsequent research has reached the following conclusions:
a) there is a third witness, who corroborated the version of Borobio, and states have had contact with Peter and Margarita Toledo, and participated in meetings with the president palace confirmed the nature of the contract, b) the recommendations provided by Borobio are registered in regular reports indicate that policies should follow the President to improve his image and there is a correlation between the date of these reports and actions actually made by the ruler, c) there was a rise of Toledo's approval ratings coincide with the implementation of the recommendations, which would demonstrate its effectiveness.
The refusal of Toledo has led them to propose a confirmatory trial of the witness. However, the trend of opinion is that there was some way to deal with the fugitive and the idea of \u200b\u200bAlexander was that he could achieve the same magic touch Borobio was believed to Fujimori. It was convinced that the effect of propaganda, and then ratify the "plan for reinstatement with the people", in 2004, with a high advertising cost. There is also a consistency between the bond and Almeyda were drawn by members of the Mafia or the Toledo with the owners of television channels. In all cases we observe the approach to refugees and persons outside the law, are looking to get something from them and is not qualms about dropping them.
Someone said that the refusal to pay the committed, makes the mafia of Toledo in something like a band of sunshades. Montesinos was finally man of his word and met people who met him. His style was clearly much more Sicilian. That was the difference.
Research Hypothesis: The Case Borobio
denotes above all the lack of revenue resulting from Toledo and his extreme dependence on procedimientos fujimoristas. Esto se acentúa sin duda después de la crisis de los tres primeros gabinetes: el de “todas las sangres” (que incluía un ala proveniente de la izquierda reciclada), el peruposibilista (de Solari) y el de “derecha decente” (con Beatriz Merino). El paso hacia el gabinete Ferrero aparece así como una refujimorización más franca que genera nuevas técnicas.
Los hermanos Toledo cumplen en este caso en este caso el rol de operadores directos de los bandazos presidenciales. Lo que no se sabe aún es si en la retención del pago a Borobio tuvo algo que ver el propio Alejandro o fue mero beneficio de Pedro. Hay presunción del delito de obstrucción de la justicia and fraud.
Effects: Toledo deny the relationship, claiming to have more credibility than the advertiser mafioso exile abroad. But this aggravated their situation to the appearance of new witnesses and evidence. Rather perceived a high degree of cynicism.
Questions:
- certainly not want to buy tips give great enemy?
Case 6:
forged signatures was always a mystery as registered small political parties, who had no history or national implementation. The fence of 4% of the voters list, defined by Fujimori (almost 600 000 signatures), made it virtually impossible to meet the requirement, even for the most organized. But there were more than twenty groups who were enrolled, including four under the project Fujimori. Theoretically mean that the signatures collected covered about 80% of the standard, because they could not duplicate accessions. To get registered yet able to grasp required one million signatures or more, given the high rate of clearance by various problems. In short everything was done to discourage or eventually come to some form of negotiation with the power to monitor closely the electoral system to achieve some form of assistance. The discovery of the signature works Fujimori in 2000, Stripped Bare seemed like the pride of the dictator who wanted to have registered various movements given a new one in record time, to allow also rule on its own. No one imagined that it was a technology that could be offered equally to groups apparently in opposition to the government.
Well, the first thing that has come to know about it is that another factory would have made it possible to reach Toledo candidate in 2000, after trying the 1995 registration packet and submit several firms between 1996-1998, with a high level of cancellations. A sample investigation of the patterns that were finally approved in 1999, resulted in extraordinary rates of 90% or more, the firms approved by the ONPE had been false, the names do not correspond to the document number and the heading, the signatories were non-existent.
How could it be that the control superestricto it had suddenly become a scandalous tolerance indicating a willful complicity?
known shortly after the sampling results, there was a witness who said she had been involved in a factory of firms that operated between 1998 and 1999. These were rooms in which they met between twenty and thirty people to copy the data and the signatures of the electoral rolls were held by the organization for some mechanism that flagrantly violated the law. The copyists were paid. One of the local copy was the home of Margarita Toledo, which was what led the entire process. Every so often they were visited by the candidate Alejandro Toledo, who made sure you were complying with the payments of staff. The witness continued his testimony before the prosecutor. This testimony led to the initiation of a process. However, after several days of rumors on pressures and threats, the witness fled the country with his family, leaving the Secretary General of Peru Posible, Jesus Alvarado, a video in which he retracts his statements.
The woman who was supposed lacking financial means, suddenly found a way to fund the passage and the relocation of his family. SE declared threatened, but not what the government initially said, but because to withdraw, as if a stronger power than the State that forced her to flee. His current whereabouts are unknown. However, it seemed a second witness (and seem to be others), which upheld the initial information and provided new details as the presence of Eliane Karp at the premises of the factory of fakes.
Research hypothesis: that an inability to achieve the registration of the Toledo game, establishing some form of negotiation with the government of Fujimori, Montesinos and ONPE, to jump the obstacle of the signatures; that ONPE Portillo had developed a standard mechanism that is verified in the case of Peru in 2000 and country (Peru) Possible form groups consisting copiare of patterns capable of filling hundreds of thousands of false accessions, which were approved by political decision, probably Toledo has apparently been the only opposition that entered the system, but the fact is that the circumstances of 2000, ending Fujimori faced and dressed in the costume more dictatorial power, which would be totally dull if there is evidence that initial collusion with the dictatorship; for the regeneration of Peruvian politics, it is imperative to clarify this issue and reveal that we are in the midst of a system can not be falsified and untrustworthy, which lies as if they proclaim values \u200b\u200band principles.
effects: it has opened a process of verification of planillones Peru Possible, by the ministry of interior that does not progress and remains paralyzed fiscal and legal research, after eliminating the first witness, there are clear pressures to disqualify the other, there is an obvious campaign to present this case as a "move by the Mafia", by the intervention of Rafael Rey, is to assume that disqualifying the claimant is disqualified the complaint, the Congress party should investigate the case, are suspected of wrongdoing at his own admission, if not eating jaguar jaguar as they say nowadays, a corrupt system is not able either to investigate and punish corruption.
Alibis: you have to investigate the signatures of all (or anyone), that Jesus Alvarado does not know how he got the tape of the witness, fugitive or as was, or where, that Toledo did not know anything about how signatures were obtained, that Elias was not in Peru, that Margaret had nothing to do with enrollment, which many companies canceled them several times.
Questions:
- do you think we are idiots?
- still true that research at all to completely change the system legalization of parties, is not it perhaps that the first thing to check is the party that exercised by the government?
- what hand provided the passports, visas and passages of the runaway witness?, Is it not the same as is "checking" the planillones Country (Peru) Possible and "protect" the other witness?
- perhaps not used the now famous video for "Cuarto Poder" to demonstrate the following lies: (a) that Toledo wanted to be linked to detail with the registration process, (b) that Karp was in Peru on time enough to get involved, (c) or Margot Marguerite was the chief of the registration process?
- why do not advance the verification process, how to stop that process in the hands of the interior ministry which is responsible for action or inaction by the flight of the first witness and whose minister is considered the squire of Toledo?
- is it logical that this same ministry in charge of paying security to the witness who still maintains his statements?
- why so much despair because there is no independent investigation of this case?
Case 7: Remodeling and Petroperú
Palace in August 2000 with the entry of Toledo, Karp and advisers to the Government Palace, started a process to remodel the building to house new tenants like. The changes included a Jacuzy, recreation areas (pool) and other amenities. Funding for this work were obtained Petroperú budget in the absence of authorization by Congress, FONAFE (holder of the shares of the company) or Petroperú directory. It set a clear case of misuse of resources that affected the development of the most important state enterprise and in fact establishing a mechanism to use it arbitrarily. Mrs. Karp's advisory body funded by charging the return of Petro, and managers organized a famous orgy at Iquitos, in utter confusion of public assets to private interests.
Research Hypothesis: The renovation of the Palace showed a frivolous and irresponsible ruler, wasteful, which is still forgive him his sins initial "inexperience" and over-enthusiasm.
Effects: finished by breaking internal morale of the group that came from the democratic struggle in 2000, and was already affected by donation management and distribution of public office.
Questions:
- what happens when you go unreported and penalized heavily early "mistakes" and sins of government?, "not preparing the ground for worse?
Case 8: Soros and Koki
between the first and second rounds in 2000, the figure of Alejandro Toledo, grew internationally and in the United States began as a more "fighter for democracy." So after ten years supported Fujimori, various political and intellectual commitment changed. One of them was the famous currency speculator George Soros, who funds a fund to promote democracy in the world. This fund was the amount of one million dollars to boost the progress of the four his and other rescue operations of democracy.
The "fighter for democracy" decided to create a contingency fund of $ 700 000 for what opened an account in the name of his nephew Jorge "Koki" Toledo in the U.S.. The fight ended abruptly on July 28, 2000 and Alexander left the country ensuring that if he stayed he would be imprisoned or killed and never returned but sporadically in the following months, until there was the final fall of Fujimori. He never gave account of the 2000 campaign funds and neither knew who financed the 2001, when Toledo and was a candidate of strength. The funds in the account Koki have never been seen.
Research Hypothesis: Toledo, relatives and maybe some other bud seized dictatorial struggle financially in the first half of 2000 and never returned or paid account the money saved. All indications are also so many donations were handled in that period. Toledo was not only strong is your group for being the candidate, but by managing money according to their criteria.
Effects: Soros did not call for money ever. And if the leadership of Peru Posible demanded an explanation, it was never public.
alibi: he was an international donation, which returned to democracy, that the costs of that time could not be made public.
Questions:
- can be admitted conduct of this nature in a candidate?
- which embezzles his teammates, is not ready to embezzle the country?
Case 9: Mudpie and Silva Vallejo
For fourteen years, Alejandro Toledo denied paternity of the child Mudpie Toledo, whose mother always said so and he constantly called to assume responsibility. The only paternity test was done in those years showed a 98% chance that he was the father. Since that time refused the DNA testing that would have ended any doubt. In the trial by descent, Toledo denied having any relationship with Mrs. Orozco, mother of Mudpie. And the resource used false witnesses to denigrate his personal life, and make it appear like a woman with many men. By mechanisms that are unclear, which might suggest judicial corruption and / or high-level support, managed faults that favored and which if maintained would represent a serious threat to the rights of children and abandoned mothers. Mudpie
The case was used during the election campaign of 2000. The Fujimori Laura Bozzo is served to discredit the candidate who most threatened the positions of the regime. This made a sector of public opinion to conclude that it was a controversial political maneuver and lost the human angle of the case. In the 2001 campaign became the issue, capturing greater solidarity, but the Toledo core is then closed that this was not a campaign issue. Toledo temporarily closed the debate with a solemn commitment to take the DNA test after the elections. Thing for a change did not comply.
The hardest phase of the legal controversy developed after the inauguration of the president. This continued to deny that Mudpie was your daughter and that Orozco had had a relationship with him. However, the scandal broke when it was learned that the supreme vocal caseworker met with the president in his home, allegedly to put his good offices towards a solution. Is partially open, with the participation of the president who was part of the process, created a crisis that was resolved only with a dramatic shift in the position of Toledo. Suddenly, as recommended by many media commentators, announced that recognized Mudpie and had not lost, but gained a daughter.
never apologized for the denial that applied to the child and the lies that led to his mother. Neither took responsibility for having treacherously false testimony and lied in court. The idea of \u200b\u200bnot deepening the problem (case closed), these events typically intentional left unpunished. To top it off, then produced the "recognition", Toledo has returned to forget Mudpie, ordering his attorney to discuss the amount of their pensions, trying to minimize. Ie there was a recognition by reason of state, charged with false emotions, just to reduce parental status to pay the expenses of the child.
Research Hypothesis: Toledo brought a lawsuit Mudpie's mother, regardless of the existence of the child. The award was a mere maneuver public opinion and will have no repentance on what happened previously. The current situation has hardly changed the status of father of Alejandro Toledo denied.
effects: the movement has grown to require the recognition of children denied. It is passing the mandatory DNA testing is being considered a serious offense stubborn refusal of recognition. The problem is that the first responsibility of the State is a person with this history.
Questions:
- should be the governing model for the governed?
- what respect will have the common street who does not meet its obligations as a person? Cases
claims:
a) Salary Presidential $ 14 000, ministers from 11 thousand to 10 thousand dollars, determined by these same officials in the first act of government, and without considering changes in the remuneration structure of the state, b) Recruitment of Toledo Koki five thousand dollars in Palace Government, with UNDP funds, as evidenced after the press asked for reasons why the president's nephew was part of Toledo's bustling caravan made the trip to China in August 2001; c) Recruitment of Jessica Paola Toledo , niece of the president, Carlos Ferrero in the Bill of Congress, leading to the Government Palace to formally charge the secretariat, but they really meant managing office petty cash; d) Use of funds from the presidential office for the payment of personal accounts of the presidential family at his home in Camacho-La Molina (water, electricity, telephones and repairs), drawn by Jessica Paola Toledo e) Use settled the presidential plane, including personal invitations to attend Mr. Toledo, gasoline and expenses paid by the State; f) Scandal featuring street Toledo nephew began beating against the guardian of a local amusement Barranco . The young officer was traveling by car and had bodyguards paid by the State; g) sex scandal, another nephew drugged and raped Toledo a woman who had offered their contacts with the government to get work; h) Complaint by Luis Solari to leave the office of Health in early 2002, indicating that they had forged his signature to pass an authorization report Alprose the firm, identified as responsible for tampering with the food from the breakfast of the State, could return to work. Solari, privately announced that he would report the names of those responsible, but what was true at the time was that Margarita and Pedro Toledo served as an intermediary of the firm (and many others) in its participation in competition for state funding ) i) Fernando Toledo representing the president in Chimbote and offering jobs to his supporters, j) Fernando Toledo winning tenders for the construction of roads in Ancash, through an NGO with no experience in civil works and did not comply with the terms of the contract after collecting more than 100 000 dollars; k) Luis Toledo peddling brownfields and agricultural clearance, accused of fraud by farmers affected, which also served to reveal that it was conducting business from the time of Fujimori's government, l) Speaker toledos Plain Truth, created by Almeyda and transferred to a group of nominees with no capital, funded directly by the state to campaign for pro-government, m) Appointment of the Comptroller General's Office of the President's personal friend, former co-worker, a character without a college degree required for the position, which remained as his deputy comptroller counsel to an individual with a criminal record, dismissed the carousel Banco Wiese dollars by defendant for fraud importers carriers, and has been unable to investigate and resolve the cluster of complaints against the government that should monitor and supervise. There
judicial opinion on any of the above cases as serious or minor. No one has been punished. Still under discussion whether the president can be investigated for criminal responsibility because of their status. Thus we remain in limbo regarding the mechanisms that society can draw to avoid the suspicion remains that the protection enjoyed by the figure of the president by constitutional right, paradoxically allowed to become the apex of the major processes of corruption, with no way to effectively prevent and defend against it. Posts
to the data collected in these notes, which are mainly the product of a collection and systematization of information accumulated over three years and months of government of Peru Possible: how would the reader to the regime of Toledo?, Do you think is a fujimontesinista invention?, "wanted to get them," acusatitis?, What is more important to meet deadlines and mechanisms for the formation Fujimori to Toledo has been retained for convenience, to generate principles of protection of society, surveillance and punishment for corruption really is banished and continuing practice of the state?.
0 comments:
Post a Comment